Résumé : Afin
d'évaluer le développement du
bâillement par contagion, 87 enfants
âgés de 2 à 11 ans ont
été observés dans deux
situations sensées induire le
bâillement. Des bâillements
présentés sur vidéo n'ont
pas provoqué de bâillement chez les
enfants de moins de 5 ans. Lire ou
écouter une histoire à propos du
bâillement n'a pas eu d'effet chez les
enfants de moins de 6 ans. Chez les enfants plus
âgés, la probabilité de
bâiller en réponse aux deux types
de stimuli a augmenté progressivement
avec l'âge. Le bâillement par
contagion impliquerait des mécanismes
différents de ceux mis en jeu lors de
l'imitation néonatale des mouvements de
la bouche.
Abstract : To trace development of
contagious yawning, 87 children aged 2 to 11
years were tested in two putative yawn-inducing
situations. Videotaped yawns did not induce
yawning in children below 5 years. Reading or
listening to a story about yawning had no effect
before 6 years. After these ages, the
probability of yawning in response to both types
of stimuli increased progressively throughout
childhood. Contagious yawning probably involves
different mechanisms to those operating in
neonatal imitation of mouth movements.
INTRODUCTION
Yawning occurs throughout the vertebrates,
including fish, amphibians, reptiles, birds, and
mammals (Baenninger, 1987). In humans, yawning
is detectable in the foetus (de Vries, Visser,
& Prechtl, 1985; Sepulveda &
Mangiamarchi, 1995). The normal control of
yawning is affected by brainstem lesions and
other forms of neurological challenge (Barbizet
1958; D'Mello, Vincent, & Lerner, 1988;
Heusner, 1956). Adults yawn most frequently just
before and after sleep and during tedious
activities (Baenninger, Binkley, &
Baenninger, 1996; Provine & Hamernick 1986;
Provine, Hamernick, & Curchak, 1987). Around
20 functions of yawning have been proposed
(Smith, 1999), but there is little agreement
about the major function of the behaviour.
However, few would doubt that one of the most
remarkable aspects of the behaviour in humans is
its contagiousness. Just seeing, hearing,
reading or even thinking about yawning can
induce yawning, at least in adults (Baenninger
& Greco 1991; Provine, 1986; 1989a).
Given the widespread existence of yawning
and its contagiousness, there is a surprising
lack of studies on social influences on yawning
in infancy and childhood, despite a call for
research into the topic and its relevance to
cognitive neuroscience (Provine 1989b). Piaget
(1951) stated that yawning in response to seeing
a yawn started in the second year of life, but
in the half-century since Piaget's description
there have been no systematic developmental
studies of yawning and its influencing factors.
In the present study we assessed the
effectiveness of two stimuli known to elicit
yawns in adults, namely a videotape showing
frequent yawning and a narrative with frequent
references to yawning, as yawn-eliciting stimuli
in pre-school- and school-age children.
METHOD
Participants : Twenty-two children
aged 34-53 months (Mean: 42 months) attending a
University-run playgroup and 65 primary school
children aged 5-11 years participated. The
numbers of boys and girls participating were
approximately equivalent, and sex was not
considered as a factor in the analysis.
Materials ; Two "yawn stimulus"
colour videotapes were made, one showing a
close-range, face-on view of the head and
shoulders of an adult male and a similar one
showing an adult female. The adult talked about
subjects of interest to pre-school children,
including nursery rhymes and zoo animals, for
175 seconds, breaking off approximately every 10
seconds to yawn. Two similar control tapes were
made in which the speaker smiled instead of
yawning. In a pilot study these videotapes were
shown to 16 individually tested adults who
responded to a questionnaire about the extent to
which each one made them either yawn or smile,
or made them feel like yawning or smiling. Nine
(56%) of the adults yawned while watching or
within 5 minutes of watching a yawn videotape,
and another 3 adults (19%) reported feeling like
yawning. These results verified a previous
finding and validated the videotapes as
yawn-inducing stimuli (Provine 1986, 1989a). No
smiling was induced by the smile
videotapes.
Procedure : Each child was tested
individually in a quiet room. Approximately half
of the children in each age group viewed a yawn
videotape first while the remainder saw a smile
videotape first, with sex of the stimulus figure
counterbalanced. Every child was thus exposed to
17 yawns and 17 smiles. To ensure that the
pre-school children recognised yawning (or
smiling) they were asked to clap their hands
every time a yawn (or smile) appeared on the
screen. The schoolchildren were simply asked to
concentrate on what they saw as they would be
asked about the film at the end. During video
presentation the experimenter (PM) sat
unobtrusively across the room and recorded any
yawning or smiling by the child. Immediately
after each videotape ended she asked whether the
film made the child want to yawn, smile, or do
nothing, with question order varied among the
children. The child was then returned to the
playroom or classroom where any occurrences of
yawning or smiling in the ensuing 5 minutes were
recorded.
All children were also individually exposed
to two stories. The pre-school children were
tested one week before the videotape condition.
To control for a possible stimulus order effect,
approximately half of the schoolchildren
received the story 1-2 weeks before the
videotape condition, the rest received it 1-2
weeks afterwards. The pre-school children were
told to pay attention to the stories as they
would be asked which one they liked best; the
schoolchildren were told they would be asked a
question. The stories were adapted from two
commercially available books for young children
(Hargreaves, 1990a, b), and were selected to
correspond to the videotape stimuli. In one of
them, "Mr. Lazy" was described as yawning 10
times during the story and in the other "Mr.
Happy" smiled 10 times. Approximately half the
children in each age group received "Mr. Lazy"
first and half received "Mr. Happy" first.
Schoolchildren were given the choice between
reading the stories or having the experimenter
read them. When the experimenter read the
stories she did not yawn or smile, and she noted
any yawning or smiling by the child. After each
story the child was asked whether it made them
feel like yawning, smiling, or do nothing, with
order varied among the children. The child was
then returned to the playroom or classroom and
monitored for yawning and smiling for 5
minutes.
RESULTS
The results showed that none of the
pre-school children yawned either during or
after presentation of the yawn videotape, and
none of them reported feeling like yawning. This
is despite the fact that they all detected over
90% of the stimulus yawns, as indicated by their
clapping responses. In contrast, between 12% and
60% of the schoolchildren in the different age
groups yawned in response to the yawn videotape,
rising to 22% and 70% when children who reported
feeling like yawning without actually yawning
were included. Pearson product moment
correlations between age and proportion of
schoolchildren yawning or feeling like yawning
were positive and highly significant, r = 0.67
and r = 0.87, respectively, p < .01. In both
pre-schoolers and schoolchildren smiling was
rare and unpredictable during videotape
presentation and afterwards. There were no order
effects and no effect of sex of the stimulus
figure.
The story containing 10 smiles produced no
significant effects. Hearing the story
containing 10 yawns had no influence on yawning
or the desire to yawn in pre-schoolers; neither
occurred. Among the schoolchildren, no
5-year-olds yawned in response to the yawn
story, but between 12.5% and 70% of older
schoolchildren yawned either during or in the 5
minutes after exposure. Forty-four percent of
5-year-olds reported feeling like yawning, as
did 44%-75% of the older schoolchildren.
Correlation coefficients between yawn and desire
to yawn and age were positive and highly
significant for schoolchildren, r = 0.84 and r =
0.86, respectively, p < .01 (Figure 1,
bottom). Yawning in one stimulus condition was
related to yawning in the other: 20 of the 25
children who yawned in the videotape experiment
also yawned to the story. The six youngest
children to yawn (aged 6 or 7 years) were the
only ones in their age-group who chose to read
the story. Further, of the 31 children who
yawned in the story condition, 29 (93%) were
rated blindly by teachers as being among the
three most intellectually able pupils in their
class, while 18 of 25 (72%) children who yawned
in the videotape condition were ranked in the
top three.
DISCUSSION
The data strongly suggest that neither
contagious nor story-induced yawning are
reliable in children below the age of six years.
In the videotape condition pre-schoolers but not
schoolchildren were asked to clap each time they
saw a yawn on the screen. However, it seems
unlikely that this minor procedural difference
underlies the age-related trend observed, as a
similar trend occurred in the story condition
and no instruction to clap was given. The lack
of psychological stimulus-induced yawning in
younger school-age children contrasts with the
high frequency of spontaneous yawning reported
elsewhere in this age group (Koch, Montagner,
& Soussignan, 1987). Thus, whilst no doubt
overlapping to some extent with spontaneous
yawning in terms of underlying biological
mechanisms (Gesell 1928), psychologically
induced yawning requires additional explanation.
Although Provine (1989b) emphasised the
continuity between neonatal imitation of facial
movements (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977) and
imitation of yawning, the lag between the two
suggests slower development of mechanisms
underlying imitative yawning, or even the
involvement of different neuropsychological
mechanisms.
The data obtained here also challenge
Piaget's (1951) view that imitation of yawning
becomes established in the second year. It is
noteworthy that Piaget's observations were made
on his own children; furthermore, model identity
is known to affect the likelihood of neonatal
imitation (Meltzoff & Moore 1994). The
influence of model familiarity on the likelihood
of contagious yawning occuring in children has
never been studied; to our knowledge it has
never even been studied in adults.
It might be suggested that the increase in
psychologically induced yawning in older
children was due to an inhibitory effect of the
observer, playgroup supervisor or teacher, as it
is considered impolite to yawn in public.
However, we know of know data showing such an
inhibitory effect, and it could be argued that
young children are in fact less likely than
older children or adults to stifle yawns for
reasons of etiquette.
So, what other factors might underlie the
age-related trends reported here? Adults show
individual differences in susceptibility to
contagious yawning (e.g. Provine 1986, 1989b),
but again the sources of the variability remain
largely unstudied. Arousal, attention,
personality and intelligence could all be
influencing factors, and some of these may be
implicated in the unanticipated finding that
schoolchildren who were ranked highly in terms
of intellectual ability and who chose to read
the stories for themselves were especially
likely to be influenced by the stimuli. The
greater sensitivity to `psychological' yawn
stimuli might reflect enhanced self- and social
awareness, related to reading ability (Garner
1987). A potentially fruitful line of
investigation would be to assess socially
induced yawning in relation to other aspects of
early social-psychological development, such as
empathy and theory of mind.
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